The Philosopher
Rosa Luxemburg
The face
The background
- Nationality:
- Polish, German
- Schools:
- Marxism, Social Democracy, Orthodox Marxism, Luxemburgism
- Branchs:
- Marxism, Socialism, Communism, Social democracy
- Period:
- Late 19th and early 20th century
The synopsis
Rosa Luxemburg (born Rozalia Luksenburg; 5 March 1871 – 15 January 1919) was a Polish-German Marxist theorist, philosopher, economist, anti-war activist, and revolutionary socialist of Jewish descent. She became a leading theorist of the Social Democratic Party of Germany and co-founded the anti-war Spartacus League, which evolved into the Communist Party of Germany. She is remembered for her writings on imperialism and revolution, and her advocacy for socialist democracy. Born in Russian-ruled Poland to an assimilated Jewish family, she became active in revolutionary politics in her youth, co-founding the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania. After moving to Germany in 1898, she became a prominent voice of the SPD's revolutionary wing. Her major works include 'Social Reform or Revolution?', 'The Mass Strike, the Political Party and the Trade Unions', and 'The Accumulation of Capital'. She fiercely opposed World War I and was imprisoned for much of the conflict, during which she wrote the 'Junius Pamphlet'. While she welcomed the Russian Revolution, she also critiqued the Bolsheviks' authoritarian tendencies. Released during the German Revolution of 1918-1919, she co-founded the KPD and was killed during the suppression of the Spartacist uprising. Her legacy remains influential and debated, particularly her emphasis on spontaneity, democracy, and internationalism.
The works
The Industrial Development of Poland
Social Reform or Revolution?
The Mass Strike, the Political Party and the Trade Unions
The Accumulation of Capital
The Junius Pamphlet
The Russian Revolution
Letters from Prison
The quotes
Those who do not move, do not notice their chains.
Credit reproduces all the fundamental antagonisms of the capitalist world. It accentuates them. It precipitates their development and thus pushes the capitalist world forward to its own destruction.
Social democracy... is only the advance guard of the proletariat, a small piece of the total working masses; blood from their blood, and flesh from their flesh.
The existing legal constitution is nothing but the product of a revolution. Revolution is the act of political creation in the history of classes, while constitutional legislation is the expression of the continual political vegetation of a society.
The working classes in every country only learn to fight in the course of their struggles.
Work for legal reform takes place only within the framework of the social form created by the last revolution.
People finally understood that the role of the social-democratic party rests on its conscious leadership of the mass struggle against the existing society, a struggle that must reckon with the vital, necessary conditions of capitalist society.
Though foreign loans are indispensable for the emancipation of the rising capitalist states, they are yet the surest ties by which the old capitalist states maintain their influence, exercise financial control, and exert pressure on the customs, foreign and commercial policy of the young capitalist states.
In the Imperialist Era, the foreign loan played an outstanding part as a means for young capitalist countries to acquire independence.
The very action of the proletariat is a determining factor in history. And although we can no more jump over the stages of historical development than a man can jump over his shadow, nevertheless, we can accelerate or retard that development.
Bourgeois class domination is undoubtedly an historical necessity, but, so too, the rising of the working class against it. Capital is an historical necessity, but, so too, its grave digger, the socialist proletariat.
The masses are the decisive element, they are the rock on which the final victory of the revolution will be built.
Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently.
Between social reforms and revolution there exists for the social democracy an indissoluble tie. The struggle for reforms is its means; the social revolution, its aim.
Freedom only for the members of the government, only for the members of the Party - though they are quite numerous - is no freedom at all.
Under the leaden sway of Alexander III's government, the silence of the graveyard prevailed. Russian society, equally discouraged by the collapse of all hopes for peaceful reforms and by the apparent ineffectiveness of the revolutionary movement, was in the grip of a mood of depression and resignation.
Social democracy seeks and finds the ways, and particular slogans, of the workers' struggle only in the course of the development of this struggle, and gains directions for the way forward through this struggle alone.
Marxism is a revolutionary worldview that must always struggle for new revelations.
History is the only true teacher, the revolution the best school for the proletariat.
The more that social democracy develops, grows, and becomes stronger, the more the enlightened masses of workers will take their own destinies, the leadership of their movement, and the determination of its direction into their own hands.
One day, when the world market is more or less fully developed and can no longer be suddenly enlarged, and if labour productivity continues to advance, then sooner or later the periodic clashes between productive forces and market barriers will begin, and because of their recurrence, these will naturally become increasingly rough and stormy.
The masses are in reality their own leaders, dialectically creating their own development process.
Only through the conscious action of the working masses in city and country can it be brought to life, only through the people's highest intellectual maturity and inexhaustible idealism can it be brought safely through all storms and find its way to port.
Our scribblings are usually not lyrics but whirrings, without colour or resonance, like the tone of an engine-wheel. I believe that the cause lies in the fact that when people write, they forget for the most part to dig deeply into themselves and to feel the whole import and truth of what they are writing.